(Sr. Mariani's narrative statement was originally created on 1990 and was published in the book "Mariani, A Woman of a Kind" on December 2001. Sr Mariani has been the Chairperson of TFDP from April 1974 to September 1996. She was the honorary Chairperson of TFDP until her death in 2005.)
Sr. Mariani Dimaranan, SFIC. File photo from the Museum of Courage and Resistance |
My
name is Sr. Mariani Dimaranan. I am 65 years old, a citizen of the Philippines,
residing in Quezon City, Philippines, and a member of the Congregation of the
Franciscan Sisters of the Immaculate Conception, I have been asked by the
plaintiff’s counsel to testify regarding torture, summary execution and
disappearance in the Philippines between September 1972 and February 1986.
I
am an educator by training, I received a Bachelor’s degree from the University
of Santo Tomas in 1952, a Masters degree in Education from De La Salle
University in 1970 and I am currently completing a Masters degree in Theology
at the Maryknoll School of Theology in Ossining, New York. Prior to the 1970’s,
I was Registrar and head of the Social Sciences Department at St. Joseph’s
College. In 1974-1975, I was Dean of Our Lady of the Angels Seminary in
Novaliches.
Following
Marcos’ declaration of Martial Law in September 1972, I became deeply involved
in the documentation of human rights’ abuses in the Philippines. As a member of the Catholic Church, I began
visiting political detainees incarcerated in military camps in the Metro Manila
Area. In October 1973, I was arrested and detained in a prison camp by the
Philippine military on the alleged ground that my activities were subversive.
During my incarceration, I was interrogated and I learned, first hand, about
the large number of persons detained as well as the fact that many had been
tortured by the Philippine military. Because the press was both censored and
controlled by Marcos, almost no information was publicly available on the
number of persons arrested by the military or the abuses they endured after
arrest. The Catholic Church was
virtually the only institution in the Philippines not controlled by Marcos at
that time. Based on conditions observed and information collected by Church
workers like myself, the Association of Major Religious Superiors of the
Philippines (AMRSP) conducted survey in September 1973 on the effects of
Martial Law on farmers and the poor, including torture and detention. The
survey showed an alarming number of human rights abuses.
Sr. Mariani visiting political detainees. File photo from Museum of Courage and Resistance |
As a result of the
survey, a group now known as Task Force Detainees of the Philippines (TFDP) was
formed by the AMRSP in January 1974 to investigate human rights’ abuses and,
where possible, to intervene with the military to release detainees. I was elected chairperson in
1975 and continued in that position until mid-1990. During that period, I
worked full-time for TFDP. I was chairperson of TFDP’s Board of Trustees. TFDP
was the first Filipino human rights group dedicated solely to investigating
human rights’ abuses. It could operate under Martial Law because it was under
the protective umbrella of the Catholic Church. TFDP collected information from
Churches of all denominations, from relatives of detainees, from detainees
themselves and from many other sources. As a result of my experience with
Philippine human rights matters, I have lectured frequently in the Philippines
and abroad on human rights abuses. I am a Board Member of several organizations
in the Philippines and am a Founder and first Chairperson of Philippine
Alliance of Human Rights Advocates, a coalition of human rights organizations
in the Philippines.
I
would like to tell you about how TFDP operated between 1974 and 1986. Martial
Law was in effect in the Philippines and there were laws against demonstrations
and rallies and printing of statements, critical of the government of Marcos. TFDP decided to document and publicize
human rights abuses. It was my belief that by publishing human right abuses to
the outside world, I could protect present and future detainees from additional
abuse. But there were many problems in documenting the abuses. Usually TFDP
was notified by frantic relatives or eye witnesses that a person was seized and
taken away by the military.
Locating and
contacting the detainee was often difficult since incommunicado detention was
the rule, and it was the biggest difficulty TFDP had to contend with. “Incommunicado” meant that the
military would not permit any friend, relative or attorney to contact the
detainee. Often the military would not confirm custody of the detainee, of his
or her whereabouts even though we would receive information from relatives or
eyewitnesses that the individual was taken away from them. Because of the large
number of military camps and the various military commands, it was difficult to
locate a detainee until the military admitted custody. In addition, many detainees were not taken to military camps after
arrest. Instead, they were taken for interrogation to secret, non-military
locations such as farm houses or apartments rented by the military. These were
known as “safehouses”. Typically, detainees were held for days, weeks or
even months while the military denied access to their families or that they had
the detainees in custody. It was my practice to appeal to military commanders
to confirm the custody and location of detainees and demand access to them.
Even
after the military admitted holding a person, the family or TFDP had difficulty
getting to see him/her.
Electric
shock torture was also used by the military. Electrodes were attached to
sensitive parts of the body or extremities such as breasts, genitals, fingers
or toes. The electric shock was often generated by cranking a standard-issue
military field telephone. When former U.
S. Attorney General, Ramsey Clark, was in the Philippines in August 1977, TFDP
gave him the location of a room in a military camp where detainees had been
tortured by electric shock. In his tour of that camp, he forced his way
into the room and photographed the field telephone with electrodes attached to
it and a metal chair nearby.
Frequently,
detainees were subjected to multiple forms of torture. At Christmas, 1974, I
visited Cenon Zembrano at Camp
Olivas in Pampanga. He had been arrested by the military two weeks earlier. He
had been beaten and given electric shocks. When I saw him, there were cigarette
burns on his face, hands and chest and scars from electric shocks on his hands
and around his eyes. The sole of one foot was blackened with burns from a flat
iron. He could not walk.
In
1976, I documented the torture of Elena
Ang who was arrested on her way to Church by military intelligence. They
tortured her with beatings, sexual molestation, water cure and repeated
sessions of electric shock. She was made to drink water to intensify the pain.
In
1982, I visited Boy Morales at Camp
Bago Bantay. He had been arrested and tactically interrogated for weeks by the
military who employed beatings, the water cure, electric shock. He was also
placed dripping wet in front of an air conditioner.
Psychological
torture was very common. The barrel of pistols and rifles were stuck in a
detainee’s mouth or put to his heads or genitals. With the “Russian Roulette”,
a single bullet was placed in a revolver and the pistol trigger was pulled
while aimed at the detainee.
In the San Juanico Bridge, a detainee was forced to support himself with his
shoulder on one chair and his feet on another. If he slumped, he was beaten. In
other instances, detainees were driven to remote locations by armed soldiers
and told to escape only to be shot. In addition,
there were verbal threats made during the tactical interrogation that the
detainee would be salvaged or disappear. “Salvaging” was a term for secret
summary execution of a detainee by the military. It meant saving the
information and disposing of the body. “Disappearance” occurred when a
person arrested by the military and was never seen or heard from again. TFDP’s
emphasis on obtaining access to detainees as soon as possible after the arrest
was intended to prevent salvaging and disappearance.
TFDP
began documenting these abuses in 1975 in the Greater Manila Area where about
one-sixth of the country’s population lived. TFDP gradually expanded its
operations to all major regions of the Philippines because of the large number
of requests for help. By 1986, TFDP had 65 local offices and four regional
offices, all coordinated through the head office in Quezon City, which is in
the Greater Manila Area.
I placed a great
emphasis on visiting detainees, and I personally visited over 100 military
detention facilities.
Especially in the early years, I usually entered detention facilities with
relatives of the detainees. I interviewed the detainees and saw their wounds.
As
TFDP activities became more widely known and I became more recognizable, I was
sometimes denied access to certain detention camps or to specific detainees.
TFDP also collected information from family members or eyewitnesses, especially
in cases of suspected salvaging and disappearance, to document the military
unit that arrested the individuals. Sometimes, our information about arrest
came from persons who were arrested but managed to escape. In addition to
documenting abuses, TFDP also tried to assist detainees in getting medical
attention, legal assistance and release from custody. Some detainees were held
for months or years without formal charges or active prosecution after they
were charged.
In
1976, TFDP published its first book entitled Political Detainees in the Philippines describing the ordeals and
case histories of persons who were tortured, salvaged or disappeared. Because
printing and publishing were closely controlled by the military under Martial
Law, the book had to be printed secretly. TFDP distributed the book in the Philippines
and to other countries, to the United Nations, foreign embassies, different
religious groups and international human rights’ organizations. In 1977, TFDP
published its second and third book under the same title, Political Detainees of the Philippines, chronicling torture,
summary execution and disappearance in that year. In 1980 and 1986, TFDP
published two more books under the title Pumipiglas. Loosely translated from
Filipino, Pumipiglas means
“struggling to be free”. Each of the books contained a commentary on the type
of human rights’s abuses being committed, identified some of the more notorious
military units responsible, and gave statements or case histories of specific
individuals. Both were distributed in the Philippines, internationally to human
rights’ groups, embassies and to the United States.
TFDP compiled
statistics of torture, summary executions and disappearances for the period,
October 1972 to February 1986. The statistics for 1972, 1973 and 1974 are
partial since TFDP only started in 1974. Torture statistics for 1975 and 1976 were not
compiled.
Sr. Mariani showing photos of victims of human rights violations. |
The
statistics show that there were at least 5,531 instances of torture by the
military and para-military units between October 1972 and December 1985. On the
average, over 500 people were tortured each year from 1977 to 1985. Although
TFDP’s compilations for the years September 1972 to 1976 are incomplete, very
large numbers of persons were arrested for political offenses: over 6,000 in
the last three months of 1972, over 29,000 in 1973, over 19,000 in 1974, over
9,000 in 1975 and over 5, 000 in 1976. The arrest figures for those years were
obtained from the unit of the Philippine Military which was responsible for the
custody of detainees. Political offenders’ arrest-statistics for 1977 also came
from the military. For the other years, arrest statistics were compiled by
TFDP. Based on my knowledge and experience as a detainee and in documenting
torture most of those years, it is my opinion that at least 500 people were
tortured annually between 1972 and 1976.
The torture
statistics reflect documented cases. Torture was often not reported because of
intimidation and fear of reprisal or because of the nature of the torture, such
as rape. As I
stated earlier, it was common for detainees to be threatened by the reported
more consistently, although TFDP did not compile statistics for the years 1975
and 1976. Tragically, the statistics show a gradual escalation of salvaging and
disappearance from 1977 to 1985. Between January 1977 and February 1986, there
were 2,537 summary executions and 783 disappearances.
Sometimes the
disappearance of individuals, after being last seen in military custody, would
result into salvaging. TFDP received information from time to time about
unmarked graves.
TFDP also helped relatives in exhuming salvaged victims to identify the bodies
through rings, clothing or physical characteristics. This situation occurred in
1977 when six persons, including Bong Sison, were exhumed from a public
cemetery in Quezon Province and were identified. They had last been seen in
military custody, two weeks earlier in Metro Manila.
Based on my
extensive personal participation in documenting human rights’ abuses in the
Philippines between 1974 to 1986, it is my opinion that torture, summary
execution and disappearance perpetrated by the Philippine military and
para-military were routine, systematic and widespread. “Tactical interrogation” was
common-place, and detainees were tortured singly or collectively. I documented
cases were electric shock was given to detainees. In other cases, detainees
were interrogated and beaten with fists and rifles. These abuses occurred in
all the regions although there was greater frequency in some regions particularly
in the Greater Manila Area and in Mindanao and in certain provinces like Cebu,
Pampanga, Bicol, Laguna, Negros Oriental and Negros Occidental. Likewise, there
was a greater frequency of abuse where the military intelligence units were
involved or presidential arrest orders were issued.
It is my opinion
that political dissidents are frequently the target of torture, salvaging and
disappearance.
Members of the Catholic clergy who were arrested were tortured, some were
salvaged or disappeared. The same lot fell on journalists, students, labor
leaders, and human rights lawyers who were critical of Marcos policies.
Walang komento:
Mag-post ng isang Komento